Home
/
RELIGION & LIBERTY ONLINE
/
The French Dispatch is a nostalgic look back at a Paris of the imagination
The French Dispatch is a nostalgic look back at a Paris of the imagination
Dec 13, 2025 7:17 PM

A weirdly beautiful curiosity, Wes Anderson’s latest film boasts a host of stars and a look back at the Paris that was—and least in the imaginations of some self-serious writers.

Read More…

I offer you a series on Hollywood as seen by its artists, on the occasion of the impending Oscars. I don’t mean the dominant liberal arrogance that has doomed cinema, but rather the efforts of artists who have spent their careers trying to advance a view of America that might bring us together, or at least help prevent ing apart, the concern of all decent people who have influence.

I start with Wes Anderson, than whom no artist is taken less seriously when es to reflections on politics and society. He edies, and we are prejudiced edy, as the people have always been. Worse still for him, Anderson crafts animations, the most despised genre when es to serious thought.

Anderson, however, has a rare prestige as an artist who beautifies the past and therefore his actors. The cast of the movie is said to have 11 Oscars among them, the crew another eight. His movies won them some of those awards, yet he has never won an Oscar himself, after seven nominations. Hollywood wants to be in his movies, yet Hollywood has never rewarded him, a paradox that shows how bad liberal elites are at bestowing honors.

Anderson’s latest, his 10th feature film, The French Dispatch, is accordingly one of the few movies likely to win important Oscars actually to deserve the honor. It’s a three-part look at the midcentury American fascination with France, which after World War II became the image of sophistication, intellectually, artistically, and in a way even politically, especially for liberals. Anderson seems himself to be the kind of liberal who fell in love with that midcentury American longing for prestige, in this case the prestige magazines that tried to introduce France to Americans in the generation before his.

Nostalgia is very much on directors’ minds these days, as my series of essays will show, but in this case it’s remarkable as much for artistic reasons as for the thought it suggests. edic conceit of The French Dispatch is that an American heir to a business fortune (Bill Murray) fell in love with France after a youthful visit and decided to start a magazine that would employ American writers (Owen Wilson, Frances McDormand, Jeffrey Wright) to cover France for an American audience. Thus, Francophilia helps Americans improve themselves, or at least lets out the inner Frenchman waiting in the bosoms of some Americans; saved mercial imperatives, these writers can e artists. On the editor’s death, perhaps in our times, these writers gather to put together one last issue in his honor and, according to his instructions, reprint three essays, which in turn e the movie we see. As for the conceit itself, it adds every possible dignity to nostalgia by turning it into a remembrance of a dead man while raising the question, since his entire enterprise is now over, is there anything more to it than the passion that must expire with the man? After all, isn’t he very ridiculous—are not France and America as different and blind to each other as ever?

Still, the conceit allows Anderson to film as he wishes us to believe people imagined those Francophile stories. He aims to capture a past when people aimed for beauty and even elegance, not glamour, not vulgarity; or if not beauty, then at least authenticity of expression—style. Anderson’s style is called aestheticized by people who like it and twee by people who don’t; it’s not realistic—often a series of living tableaux—it’s not serious, and it doesn’t seem therefore to live up to the political requirements of liberal art. Nor is it Progressive or woke, and, of course, it doesn’t “center” the experiences of “BIPOCs,” in the vulgar language elites now embrace. The style seems almost reactionary in its embrace of a past when being cultured was prized perhaps as much as being an activist.

It were better to say that Anderson’s style insists on bination of the prosaic and the idealistic in the middlebrow art par excellence—cinema. He wishes to show us a kind of love of grandeur, not grandeur itself, which maybe escapes us. Love of grandeur or longing for it is not grandeur—it paratively laughable, and really ridiculous, because it points out that we are trying to be much more than we are, that our love of beauty may be boasting. Nor is Anderson a satirist by trade, since he lacks the cruelty and the mitments; he laughs gently at our longing for a chic past, since he shares our weakness.

Still, he shows grave things in a whimsical light, and the view he offers of Francophile elitism is unflattering. The first story concerns a mad French murderer who is also an artist (Benicio del Toro). Justice is not so important to people looking for what is called an epiphany nowadays—an experience that confirms one’s personal, private claim to human or cosmic greatness. So the entire story is about a silly purveyor of art (Adrien Brody and his uncles, Henry Winkler and Bob Balaban) who makes the murderer into an international celebrity in the liberal art world, because the madness (his paintings are abstractions that look nothing like their nude model, played by Léa Seydoux, one of the artist’s prison guards) looks very fascinating to people who feel too respectable to mit crimes themselves. Perhaps crime is even better than justice, more authentic, less conformist, less impersonal, and perhaps cosmically justified. I suppose in a sense they are right that the murderer is more human than they are: They act as though life, especially horror, is a spectacle for them. But it all ends with this absurd pretension being taught in an art school by a depleted survivor of that age of enthusiasm (Tilda Swinton), to an audience that cannot make head or tails of what they’re hearing and seeing. I guess you had to be there.

If this sounds moralistic, or even conservative, I should correct the mistake—Anderson is a liberal and temperamentally unable to express outrage. He lets the audience judge. Is it right to celebrate an artist and look for his redemption from crime? Does it matter that his art is sentimental, brutal, and mediocre? Or is that desire to turn crime into celebrity not such a humanitarian impulse but what our vulgar liberal elites would call fetishization? Or perhaps right does not even matter—it’s not what elites want, but instead they want something better even than beauty—authentic suffering—something to disturb them from conventional lives they can neither escape nor believe in.

The second “French dispatch” again shows how crime might be preferred to ic rendering of the May 1968 riots. This famous show of class contempt saw bored students behave like savages, expecting that they would get away with it. That was the moment liberalism officially collapsed, as the claims of Enlightenment were replaced by halfhearted attempts at tyrannic violence in the university, the very temple of enlightenment, lightly disguised as principled political transformation. Of course, such student protests happened in America, too, and were similarly politicized, whether to do with Vietnam or civil rights, but for the most part were merely the arrogant contempt of kids for adults who indeed proved fastidious cowards.

France, however, is different: Artists and intellectuals count there in a way they don’t in America. It’s ideal for such elite fantasies, therefore. Business counts much more in America, but also popular taste. And, too, America had a much sounder political basis, whereas in France the republic was younger than the protesters, and it was the fifth, so it seemed possible to make a sixth. The allure of power was part of the madness.

Anderson shows the students’ frivolity: Led by Zeffirelli (Timothée Chalamet) and Juliette (Lyna Khoudri), they rebel when moralistic authorities want to ban boys from the girls dormitories, as well as because the boys face the military draft. But Anderson does not condemn their ugliness, their ignorance, ingratitude, and threatened violence. He takes it as his rule to exclude the really ugly things in life and present even dangerous things like murder and revolution from the point of view of the aspiring elites who try to use them both as an oracle of democracy and a cause for activism, speechifying, and self-importance. Chalamet even es a Che Guevara T-shirt figure, which offends the left because he is obviously silly, and offends the right who remembers that Che was a brutal murderer. This cinematic point of view is abstract, apolitical, typical of our times. Our elites have long behaved as Anderson shows them, pretending that events are not political but their interpretation is, and whoever interprets them best should rule—themselves. Wars are fought with words, the better to let cowards escape real consequences.

Anderson wants to remember that midcentury liberalism for its aspirations, to see these elites as they saw themselves to the extent possible, but he is not a liar, so he mocks as gently as possible their cluelessness. What passed for sophistication was mostly confusion; what was worthwhile intellectually or artistically did e from revolutionary impulses, but died by them—it came from older intellectual traditions, which indeed had a home in France much more than in America. The third story, which I can only introduce here, deals with this problem by introducting an American intellectual patterned on James Baldwin, who parades on TV his erudition and eccentric knowledge of the French scene. He’s called Roebuck Wright, reminding us of Sears Roebuck and of Richard Wright, the author of Native Son, who fled America for France. His subject is a French policeman called Nescoffier (Stephen Park), a mix of Nescafé and the great French chef Escoffier. It seems the moral drama of America, the race problem, and the grandeur of French culture are both inevitably mixed merce. This is in a way debasement, but it makes it possible to go on with life.

If you edy to lessen the importance of justice, the movie is enjoyable and, in looking frivolous, reveals the abstract lives people then led; many do likewise now. If the movie seems like it depicts a cartoon life, that doesn’t mean it isn’t true. The fantasies have changed, but people are no more grounded and serious now. In fact, our elites take themselves as seriously as do the silly people in the movie.

Comments
Welcome to mreligion comments! Please keep conversations courteous and on-topic. To fosterproductive and respectful conversations, you may see comments from our Community Managers.
Sign up to post
Sort by
Show More Comments
RELIGION & LIBERTY ONLINE
The Acton Institute shares the basics of economics with the French-speaking world
Such simple concepts of economics as scarcity, the importance of contract enforcement and private property rights, and the retreat of global poverty seem altogether foreign to many influential people — including many who make economic policy. Nonetheless, these are bedrock principles shared by a broad variety of economists. And they are now more accessible to the 275 million people worldwide who speak French as a primary language. The Acton Institute’s Religion & Liberty Transatlantic website has posted a French translation...
COVID-19 and false narratives of human powerlessness
Victimhood is central to popular analyses of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. While the scramble for victimhood was central to our political discourse prior to 2020, government bailouts have exacerbated this narrative. Individuals must pete to create the pelling story in order to receive aid. Among those fighting for the spotlight are public school teachers, female university faculty, and the very sympathetic airline executives. Part of the problem is that natural safety networks such as family and the church...
Pandemic or not, America has the best healthcare in the world
When President Donald Trump fell ill with COVID-19, there was absolutely no contemplation of moving America’s head of state to another country to receive healthcare services. This might be surprising, considering the oft-quoted World Health Organization ranking of our healthcare system at 37th globally. Wouldn’t we want our president to be treated in the country with the very best healthcare? The problem, of course, is that parisons in healthcare often mislead. This was true before the pandemic, but it has...
Americans agree with Alito: Religious liberty shouldn’t be canceled
The COVID-19 pandemic has further eroded America’s already flagging support for religious liberty, Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito warned in a prophetic speech to the Federalist Society. Alito’s critics described his clarion call to respect our nation’s first freedom as “charged,” “unusually political,” and “unscrupulously biased, political, and even angry.” Sen. Elizabeth Warren called the justice a “political hack.” But a new survey shows that most Americans share Justice Alito’s assessment of faith in the public square, with surprisingly strong...
All work is essential: What COVID-19 teaches us about vocation
In the information age, Americans have tended to elevate certain jobs and careers over others, leading to a general resistance to “blue collar” work and an over-glorification of desk jobs, start-ups, and “creative spaces.” Reinforced by constant cultural calls to “follow our passions” and pursue four-year college degrees, workers have e narrowly focused on a shrinking set of job prospects in sectors like technology, finance, marketing, and activism. Such attitudes have led to an ever-widening skills gap in the trades...
AOC’s blacklist has no place in the workplace
Economists and ethicists agree: A worker should be evaluated by the job he does, not his political views. But the more politicized life es, the greater the chance petent employee will lose his or her job because of his private political views. Politicians like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez propose blacklisting their political foes, potentially including tens of millions of people, over politics. In an Orwellian twist of fate, the best employees may be fired precisely because they perform their job to the...
Biden’s minimum wage proposal would prolong pandemic pain
Throughout the COVID-19 crisis, America’s planning class has relied on a predictable mix of so-called stimulus and monetarist tricks to curb the pain of economic disruption. Such heavy-handed interventionism has long been misguided, but for many, the government’s efforts have not gone far enough. Last spring, California Gov. Gavin Newsom talked of exploiting the pandemic as a way to “reshape how we do business and how we govern,” leading us into a “new progressive era.” Others, like Bernie Sanders and...
Even Bernie Sanders opposed the gas tax
As an estimated 50 million Americans plan to travel for Thanksgiving holiday celebrations, politicians across the U.S. and Europe have introduced legislation to increase the gasoline tax. Legislators should listen to an outspoken foe of those taxes: Sen. Bernie Sanders. Gasoline tax revenues, which fell consistently before the COVID-19 pandemic, have gone into a free fall under government-mandated lockdowns. In the U.S., the gasoline tax funds the Highway Trust Fund, which pays for improvements to roads and bridges. But the...
The 2020 election was a mess: 4 ways to keep it from ruining your life
The 2020 election pitted a violent leftist movement against a crass, self-centered incumbent who uses the levers of power to benefit himself. The campaign hardly proved inspiring. It also ended up with results that confounded the professional political class and distressed tens of millions of Americans. Days after voters cast their ballots, the presidential race remained undecided, and a nasty legal and PR battle continues to play out. For Catholics and other Christians, the temptation to e agitated, concerned, and...
‘God is always at my center’: Jimmy Lai receives Acton Institute’s 2020 Faith and Freedom Award
Everyone in the global fight for liberty has some item that cultivated his intellectual palate. For Chinese dissident Jimmy Lai, it was a candy bar. As an eight-year-old boy, he worked as a baggage carrier in a railway station in his native mainland China. After he carried the bag of a visitor from Hong Kong, the man gave the future billionaire a piece of chocolate. “It was amazing,” he says. Eating that delectable sweet made him believe “Hong Kong must...
Related Classification
Copyright 2023-2025 - www.mreligion.com All Rights Reserved