Home
/
RELIGION & LIBERTY ONLINE
/
The French Dispatch is a nostalgic look back at a Paris of the imagination
The French Dispatch is a nostalgic look back at a Paris of the imagination
Mar 11, 2026 10:50 PM

A weirdly beautiful curiosity, Wes Anderson’s latest film boasts a host of stars and a look back at the Paris that was—and least in the imaginations of some self-serious writers.

Read More…

I offer you a series on Hollywood as seen by its artists, on the occasion of the impending Oscars. I don’t mean the dominant liberal arrogance that has doomed cinema, but rather the efforts of artists who have spent their careers trying to advance a view of America that might bring us together, or at least help prevent ing apart, the concern of all decent people who have influence.

I start with Wes Anderson, than whom no artist is taken less seriously when es to reflections on politics and society. He edies, and we are prejudiced edy, as the people have always been. Worse still for him, Anderson crafts animations, the most despised genre when es to serious thought.

Anderson, however, has a rare prestige as an artist who beautifies the past and therefore his actors. The cast of the movie is said to have 11 Oscars among them, the crew another eight. His movies won them some of those awards, yet he has never won an Oscar himself, after seven nominations. Hollywood wants to be in his movies, yet Hollywood has never rewarded him, a paradox that shows how bad liberal elites are at bestowing honors.

Anderson’s latest, his 10th feature film, The French Dispatch, is accordingly one of the few movies likely to win important Oscars actually to deserve the honor. It’s a three-part look at the midcentury American fascination with France, which after World War II became the image of sophistication, intellectually, artistically, and in a way even politically, especially for liberals. Anderson seems himself to be the kind of liberal who fell in love with that midcentury American longing for prestige, in this case the prestige magazines that tried to introduce France to Americans in the generation before his.

Nostalgia is very much on directors’ minds these days, as my series of essays will show, but in this case it’s remarkable as much for artistic reasons as for the thought it suggests. edic conceit of The French Dispatch is that an American heir to a business fortune (Bill Murray) fell in love with France after a youthful visit and decided to start a magazine that would employ American writers (Owen Wilson, Frances McDormand, Jeffrey Wright) to cover France for an American audience. Thus, Francophilia helps Americans improve themselves, or at least lets out the inner Frenchman waiting in the bosoms of some Americans; saved mercial imperatives, these writers can e artists. On the editor’s death, perhaps in our times, these writers gather to put together one last issue in his honor and, according to his instructions, reprint three essays, which in turn e the movie we see. As for the conceit itself, it adds every possible dignity to nostalgia by turning it into a remembrance of a dead man while raising the question, since his entire enterprise is now over, is there anything more to it than the passion that must expire with the man? After all, isn’t he very ridiculous—are not France and America as different and blind to each other as ever?

Still, the conceit allows Anderson to film as he wishes us to believe people imagined those Francophile stories. He aims to capture a past when people aimed for beauty and even elegance, not glamour, not vulgarity; or if not beauty, then at least authenticity of expression—style. Anderson’s style is called aestheticized by people who like it and twee by people who don’t; it’s not realistic—often a series of living tableaux—it’s not serious, and it doesn’t seem therefore to live up to the political requirements of liberal art. Nor is it Progressive or woke, and, of course, it doesn’t “center” the experiences of “BIPOCs,” in the vulgar language elites now embrace. The style seems almost reactionary in its embrace of a past when being cultured was prized perhaps as much as being an activist.

It were better to say that Anderson’s style insists on bination of the prosaic and the idealistic in the middlebrow art par excellence—cinema. He wishes to show us a kind of love of grandeur, not grandeur itself, which maybe escapes us. Love of grandeur or longing for it is not grandeur—it paratively laughable, and really ridiculous, because it points out that we are trying to be much more than we are, that our love of beauty may be boasting. Nor is Anderson a satirist by trade, since he lacks the cruelty and the mitments; he laughs gently at our longing for a chic past, since he shares our weakness.

Still, he shows grave things in a whimsical light, and the view he offers of Francophile elitism is unflattering. The first story concerns a mad French murderer who is also an artist (Benicio del Toro). Justice is not so important to people looking for what is called an epiphany nowadays—an experience that confirms one’s personal, private claim to human or cosmic greatness. So the entire story is about a silly purveyor of art (Adrien Brody and his uncles, Henry Winkler and Bob Balaban) who makes the murderer into an international celebrity in the liberal art world, because the madness (his paintings are abstractions that look nothing like their nude model, played by Léa Seydoux, one of the artist’s prison guards) looks very fascinating to people who feel too respectable to mit crimes themselves. Perhaps crime is even better than justice, more authentic, less conformist, less impersonal, and perhaps cosmically justified. I suppose in a sense they are right that the murderer is more human than they are: They act as though life, especially horror, is a spectacle for them. But it all ends with this absurd pretension being taught in an art school by a depleted survivor of that age of enthusiasm (Tilda Swinton), to an audience that cannot make head or tails of what they’re hearing and seeing. I guess you had to be there.

If this sounds moralistic, or even conservative, I should correct the mistake—Anderson is a liberal and temperamentally unable to express outrage. He lets the audience judge. Is it right to celebrate an artist and look for his redemption from crime? Does it matter that his art is sentimental, brutal, and mediocre? Or is that desire to turn crime into celebrity not such a humanitarian impulse but what our vulgar liberal elites would call fetishization? Or perhaps right does not even matter—it’s not what elites want, but instead they want something better even than beauty—authentic suffering—something to disturb them from conventional lives they can neither escape nor believe in.

The second “French dispatch” again shows how crime might be preferred to ic rendering of the May 1968 riots. This famous show of class contempt saw bored students behave like savages, expecting that they would get away with it. That was the moment liberalism officially collapsed, as the claims of Enlightenment were replaced by halfhearted attempts at tyrannic violence in the university, the very temple of enlightenment, lightly disguised as principled political transformation. Of course, such student protests happened in America, too, and were similarly politicized, whether to do with Vietnam or civil rights, but for the most part were merely the arrogant contempt of kids for adults who indeed proved fastidious cowards.

France, however, is different: Artists and intellectuals count there in a way they don’t in America. It’s ideal for such elite fantasies, therefore. Business counts much more in America, but also popular taste. And, too, America had a much sounder political basis, whereas in France the republic was younger than the protesters, and it was the fifth, so it seemed possible to make a sixth. The allure of power was part of the madness.

Anderson shows the students’ frivolity: Led by Zeffirelli (Timothée Chalamet) and Juliette (Lyna Khoudri), they rebel when moralistic authorities want to ban boys from the girls dormitories, as well as because the boys face the military draft. But Anderson does not condemn their ugliness, their ignorance, ingratitude, and threatened violence. He takes it as his rule to exclude the really ugly things in life and present even dangerous things like murder and revolution from the point of view of the aspiring elites who try to use them both as an oracle of democracy and a cause for activism, speechifying, and self-importance. Chalamet even es a Che Guevara T-shirt figure, which offends the left because he is obviously silly, and offends the right who remembers that Che was a brutal murderer. This cinematic point of view is abstract, apolitical, typical of our times. Our elites have long behaved as Anderson shows them, pretending that events are not political but their interpretation is, and whoever interprets them best should rule—themselves. Wars are fought with words, the better to let cowards escape real consequences.

Anderson wants to remember that midcentury liberalism for its aspirations, to see these elites as they saw themselves to the extent possible, but he is not a liar, so he mocks as gently as possible their cluelessness. What passed for sophistication was mostly confusion; what was worthwhile intellectually or artistically did e from revolutionary impulses, but died by them—it came from older intellectual traditions, which indeed had a home in France much more than in America. The third story, which I can only introduce here, deals with this problem by introducting an American intellectual patterned on James Baldwin, who parades on TV his erudition and eccentric knowledge of the French scene. He’s called Roebuck Wright, reminding us of Sears Roebuck and of Richard Wright, the author of Native Son, who fled America for France. His subject is a French policeman called Nescoffier (Stephen Park), a mix of Nescafé and the great French chef Escoffier. It seems the moral drama of America, the race problem, and the grandeur of French culture are both inevitably mixed merce. This is in a way debasement, but it makes it possible to go on with life.

If you edy to lessen the importance of justice, the movie is enjoyable and, in looking frivolous, reveals the abstract lives people then led; many do likewise now. If the movie seems like it depicts a cartoon life, that doesn’t mean it isn’t true. The fantasies have changed, but people are no more grounded and serious now. In fact, our elites take themselves as seriously as do the silly people in the movie.

Comments
Welcome to mreligion comments! Please keep conversations courteous and on-topic. To fosterproductive and respectful conversations, you may see comments from our Community Managers.
Sign up to post
Sort by
Show More Comments
RELIGION & LIBERTY ONLINE
Acton Line podcast: Why the ‘1619 Project’ is a lie; Yes, we’ve tried ‘real socialism’
In August, the New York Times launched the ‘1619 Project,’ an initiative that includes school curriculum, videos, and a podcast, which aims to “reframe” the history of America’s founding around slavery. The Times claims that since the year 1619, “[n]o aspect of the country that would be formed here has been untouched by the years of slavery that followed.” So what is the Times trying to plish with the ‘1619 Project’? Ismael Hernandez, founder and director of the Freedom &...
Fact check: Did the wealth tax increase the number of millionaires?
“If you want less of something, tax it,” the old adage goes. If that is the case, why is a prominent European newspaper reporting that the number of millionaires increased after one nation introduced a wealth tax? “Number of super-rich in Spain grows 74% since reintroduction of wealth tax,” a headline in Spain’sEl Paisreportedrecently. Here are the facts: Background Spain introduced a wealth tax (Patrimonio) in 1977 as a “temporary” measure. In 1991, lawmakers admitted the 14-year-old tax would be...
China replaces Ten Commandments with socialist propaganda: Report
Congregations in China’s officially recognized Protestant church have been forced to replace mandments to Moses with a quotation about the triumph of socialism, according to a religious liberty watchdog. The action literally substitutes socialism as an idol, in violation of the First Commandment.The Chinese government’s attempt to change the teachings of the60,000-church Three-Self Patriotic Movement unmasks how socialism crushesreligious liberty and reduces Christians to subservience – or elevates them to martyrdom. The magazineBitter Harvestreports: The Ten Commandments are the basis...
Reason and faith at the Heritage Foundation
Since my book Reason, Faith, and the Struggle for Western Civilization appeared in June this year, I’ve been pleasantly surprised by the reception. The book seems to have touched upon topics that, while not at the forefront on daily political debate, are on many people’s minds and underlie some of the bigger questions that are to be found just beneath the surface of many contemporary discussions in Western countries. It turns out that subjects like the relationship between reason and...
Samuel Gregg on ‘The specter of scientism’
In this week’s Acton Commentary, Acton Research Director Samuel Gregg looks at how “scientism” treats the scientific method as the only way of knowing anything and everything. Without dismissing the real achievements of modern science, he notes that “one side-effect of these triumphs was that some began treating the empirical sciences as the only form of true reason and the primary way to discern true knowledge … ” Notwithstanding these serious flaws with scientism, its acceptance has two effects on...
The Saddleback story: When a ‘call to missions’ results in entrepreneurship
When David Munson was 19 years old, he went on a missions trip and was sure he had discovered his ultimate vocation. “I just knew I wanted to do ministry for the rest of my life,” he says. Soon thereafter, he moved to Mexico to teach English as a way to kickstart his life in foreign missions. Yet through a range of unexpected encounters, he found himself designing leather products and selling them out of his truck. The weirdest part:...
Fact check: Did ‘austerity’ kill 120,000 people?
Did stingy UK mit “economic murder” by slashing NHS funding? A clip of a self-described Communist accusing the government of killing 120,000 people has gone viral, but the facts do not bear out her contention. Ash Sarkar, who scored a glowing profile inTeen Vogueafter calling herself “literally a Communist,” made ment on the BBC programQuestion Time: Austerity was not just a bloodless balancing of the books it was paid for with people’s lives, 120,000 people. The reason why I’m so...
George Washington’s farewell address
On this date in 1796, near the end of his second term as president, George Washington published The Address of Gen. Washington to the People of America on His Declining the Presidency of the United States. Better known subsequently as his “farewell address,” it is his announcement of retirement from the presidency and from public life. He says, moreover, that he had wanted to retire after his first term but that considerations of duty had dissuaded him: “The strength of...
Sohrab Ahmari’s biggest mistake
The debate between Sohrab Ahmari and David French has sparked a useful conversation about the means and ends of liberty. In that discussion, both men make valid criticisms and both sometimes fall short, but a recent column by Ahmari reveals perhaps the most glaring error in his perspective. Ahmari believes both economic interventionists (“progressive liberals”) and those who oppose state intervention (“conservative liberals”) share the same goal of maximizing freedom apart from state coercion. AtFirst Things, he writes: Progressiveliberals are...
The Jacobins’ manifesto: ‘The Socialist Manifesto’ by Bhaskar Sunkara
“If you are a socialist, and you are toying with the idea of writing a book – now is the time to do so,” writes Kristian Niemietz. “There seems to be an infinite demand for this message right now,” he states in a new book review posted atReligion & Liberty Transatlanticat the author’s request. Niemietz, the head of political economy at the London-based Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), reviews The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era...
Related Classification
Copyright 2023-2026 - www.mreligion.com All Rights Reserved