Home
/
RELIGION & LIBERTY ONLINE
/
No, Tucker Carlson: The U.S. is not, will not, and never should be like Hungary
No, Tucker Carlson: The U.S. is not, will not, and never should be like Hungary
Jan 16, 2026 8:42 AM

Carlson and others on the right have expressed admiration for Hungarian policies that squash progressive ideals, not realizing that the executive consolidation of power present in Hungary could do the same thing to conservative ideas if a progressive rises to power.

Read More…

Last month, Tucker Carlson replaced Rod Dreher as the latest conservative to take a pilgrimage to Hungary. Carlson praised Hungarian President Viktor Orbán’s pro-family policies, stricter immigration policies, and resistance to progressive views on gender, saying: “If you care about Western civilization and democracy and families and the ferocious assault on all three of those things by the leaders of our global institutions, you should know what is happening here right now.”

Hungary’s Orbán is the champion of what he has dubbed “illiberal democracy.” This form of government is characterized by an explicit support of nativist Christian policy enacted through authoritarian measures. Yet conservatives who place their hopes in this philosophy are misguided. Disregarding the fact that recreating the U.S. in the image of Hungary is practically impossible, this notion misses the entire point of the American experiment.

While you could technically call Hungary a democracy, it lacks basic protections and separation of power which we take for granted in the U.S. Orbán has consolidated power over the three branches of government within his party, Fidesz. He controls large swaths of the press. The economy is also an expression of cronyism, with valuable grants awarded to the party faithful. He has also used the courts to punish rival political parties.

The root of Hungary’s appeal to American conservatives is that Orbán has successfully countered progressive ideas and laws in the country. Essentially, some conservatives are willing to give up freedoms in order to counter what they see as the ascendant progressive project.

Here’s the thing: The parallels between Hungary and the U.S. begin to breakdown after even a cursory glance. Even if a Hungarian-style illiberal democracy were an appealing ideal (more on that later), it pletely impractical in the U.S. context. First, Hungary is ethnically and religiously homogenous, while the U.S. is not. The U.S. has a population over 330 million spread over 3.7 million miles while Hungary has only 10 million occupants in less than 1 percent of that area, with four-fifths of the population belonging to the majority Hungarian ethnicity. Finding support for Orbán’s policies is possible in a country where such a large percentage of the population shares a similar cultural background.

Beyond that, let’s embark on a thought experiment. Suppose we consolidated the power of all three branches government permanently in the U.S. … who would run the system? No matter what your political leanings, you would have to recognize that control of the system would eventually be captured by those on the opposing team, which would wield its immense power against your interests. For conservatives, this calculus looks even less appealing. The rulers in an American Triumvirate would most e from the ranks of the culturally elite progressives. An authoritarian government in the U.S. wouldn’t protect conservatives against a self-serving elite – it would seek to control them to a greater degree. A U.S. illiberal project is doomed to backfire.

Idealizing foreign governments is certainly not new. Thomas Jefferson excused the violence in France while he celebrated the French revolution. Many leaders have desired a blueprint for the U.S. to use when we shape our policies. We vacillate between creating ourselves in the image of another nation and creating nations in our image. But the uniqueness of the American project frustrates any attempts to draw parallels between any foreign country.

In light of the practical flaws, the whole argument for an illiberal democracy in America might seem inconsequential. After all, the U.S. is not and will never be Hungary. But who we hold up as our ideals does matter. When many progressives hold up Che Guevera as an icon, many rightly call foul. After all, idealizing someone who ruthlessly executed his foes seems to justify a certain violence in one’s own actions. In the same way, conservatives lauding Hungary can justify a certain method for achieving their preferred ends.

At its heart, the idea of an illiberal democracy challenges the project of pluralism. The U.S. is based on the idea that various individuals can “pursue happiness” in a variety of ways. Michael Novak writes in The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism:

“In a genuine pluralistic society, there is no sacred canopy. By intention there is not. At its spiritual core, there is an empty shrine. That shrine is left empty in the knowledge that no one word, image, or symbol is worthy of what we all seek there. Its emptiness, therefore, represents the transcendence which is approached by free consciences from a virtually infinite number of directions… Believer and unbeliever, selfless and selfish, frightened and bold, naive and jaded, all participate in an order whose center is not socially imposed.”

This is not to say that the system lacks a conception of morality. Laws cannot be morally neutral. Whoever said that you can’t legislate morality was confused about the nature of morality. Prohibiting murder is a statement about the moral weight of human life. Prohibiting fraud is a statement about the moral quality of justice. The difference between liberalism and illiberalism is what value is placed on individual conscience. Within a pluralistic system, individuals can pursue ultimate meaning within a set of basic rules. Throwing out the pluralist project betrays a utilitarian desire to pursue specific policy es at any cost.

Hungary may have some policies in place for now that religious conservatives can laud, but these policies must not overshadow the fundamental lack of structures to protect citizens from abuse. A society needs a way to peting interests without allowing one group to quash the rights of others. The U.S. does not need Hungarian-style illiberalism to thrive.

Comments
Welcome to mreligion comments! Please keep conversations courteous and on-topic. To fosterproductive and respectful conversations, you may see comments from our Community Managers.
Sign up to post
Sort by
Show More Comments
RELIGION & LIBERTY ONLINE
Nuns, 60 Minutes, Go After Rep. Paul Ryan
Last week’s spike in gasoline prices hasn’t slowed Nuns on the Bus a whit. The nuns and Network, their parent organization, are squeezing every drop of mileage out of their new-found fame, which has more to do with supporting liberal causes than reflecting church principles of caring for the poor and limiting government’s role in the private sector. Over the weekend, the CBS program 60 Minutes had a sympathetic overview of the supposed Vatican crackdown of the sisters’ activities –...
Acton Institute Windows Phone App Released
Note: We’ve discovered an issue with different phone resolutions and app patibility. This includes the Lumia 920 and HTC 8X phone models. This error will be corrected soon and the post will be updated. Currently, the app works on phones with the same resolution as the Lumia 822 (from Verizon). We’ve launched a new app for phones that allows individuals using Windows Phones to access new content from Acton Institute. This app joins our current lineup of Apple and Android...
John Mackey: Is Conscious Capitalism Enough?
John Mackey, the well-known CEO of Whole Foods, sat down for an interview with Reason TV’s Nick Gillespie this week and I found a few quotes from their exchange particularly interesting. You can watch the full interview here: John Mackey Video When asked what the original “higher purposes” of his business were when Whole Foods began, Mackey responded: “Sell healthy food to people. Make a living for ourselves. Have fun. But our purposes have evolved over time…I would say one...
The Legacy of Racism and Surrogate Decision-Making
In 1989, Erol Ricketts, a researcher with the Rockefeller Foundation, found that between 1890 and 1950, blacks had higher marriage rates than whites, according to the U.S. Census. The report, titled “The Origin of Black Female-Headed Families,” published in the Spring/Summer issue of Focus(32-37), provides an overview that highlights an important question. Ricketts observes that between 1960 and 1985, female-headed families grew from 20.6 to 43.7 percent of all black pared to growth from 8.4 to 12 percent for white...
Religious Liberty is for Money-Makers Too
Increasingly, governments and private parties are arguing that there is only one appropriate view of the relationship between religion and money-making: Exercising religion is fundamentally patible with earning profits. This claim has been presented recently by state governments and private parties in litigation over pharmacy rights of conscience, and by state governments enacting conscience clauses with regard to recognizing same-sex marriages (non-profits are sometimes protected, but never profit-makers). The most prominent and developed form of the argument has been made...
Young Adults Lag In Wealth Building
According to a new study by the Urban Institute, “when es to saving, owning a home, paring down debt, and growing a retirement nest egg, those under age 40 have stagnated as their parents’ generation accumulated.” Average household net worth, even after the ripples of “the Great Recession,” nearly doubled from 1983 to 2010, but not for those born after GenXers or Millennials (those born after 1970). In fact, the average inflation-adjusted wealth in 2010 for young adults was 7...
Church, Culture, and the Gospel as Pearl and Leaven
Over at the Hang Together blog, Greg Forster takes a long look at the images of the gospel as “pearl” and “leaven” and the implications for Christian engagement and creation of culture, particularly within the context of the Great Commission and the Cultural Mandate: The main difficulty we seem to have in discussing Christian cultural activity is the strain between two anxieties. These anxieties create unnecessary divisions between brothers, because those who are more worried about making sure the gospel...
Video: Rev. Sirico on Avoiding Economic Disaster
The Montreal Economic Institute produces a “Free Market Series” of videos interviewing experts such as Michael Fairbanks and Steve Forbes. This video highlights the Rev. Robert Sirico discussing the role of free markets in economics, and the false sense of utopia offered by other economic systems. “People are beginning to understand that we can’t create a utopia just by wishing it into existence, that we can’t abolish the right to private property, that if we do we create economic disaster.”...
Monks vs. Morticians in a Fight Over Freedom
The morticians wanted the monks shut down—or even thrown in jail—for the crime the Benedictines mitting. Until 2005, the monks of St. Joseph Abbey in St. Benedict, Louisiana had relied on harvesting timber for e. But when Hurricane Katrina destroyed their pine forest they had to find new sources of revenue to fund the 124-year-old abbey. For over 100 years, the monks had been making simple, handcrafted, monastic caskets so they decided to try to sell them to the public....
Rough Work Must Be Done
Joseph Sunde’s fine post today on vocation examines the dynamic between work and toil, the former corresponding to God’s creational ordinance and the latter referring to the corruption of that ordinance in light of the Fall into sin. Read the whole thing. Joseph employs a distinction between “needs-based” work and something else, something privileged, a first-world kind of “fulfilling” work. The point DeKoster makes is right on target; we need to, in Bonhoeffer’s words, break through from the “it” of...
Related Classification
Copyright 2023-2026 - www.mreligion.com All Rights Reserved