Home
/
RELIGION & LIBERTY
/
Lower taxes, higher giving
Lower taxes, higher giving
May 21, 2026 1:02 PM

“Conservative voters tend to be more selfish,” a socialist friend recently told me. In broad terms the allegation is that fiscal conservatives, those who support lower taxes and less government intervention and redistribution, do so for their own benefit. The hard-hearted caricature of someone who has no personal need for welfare spending, and so wants to pay as little as possible towards it, is a popular stereotype on the Left. But is that true? I wanted to test the hypothesis against verifiable data.

Of course, there are many reasons besides avarice for opposing government welfare. It is inefficient – not just because it is administered by an often-dysfunctional bureaucracy, but also because politicians regularly fail to direct money where it is most needed. Government spending programmes can create perverse incentives, discouraging people from working, encouraging family break-up, and propelling themselves forward by their own inertia.

But stereotypes are not proved or disproved by economics or philosophy. What I wanted to see was how people actually behave. Does a belief in lower taxes and smaller government stem from greed, or does it encourage people to take private action to help others, rather than relying on the government? Do supporters of low taxes give more money to, and get more involved in, charities? By contrast, do socialists and other supporters of high taxes and government intervention personally assist others, or do they substitute claims of moral superiority and demands for wealth redistribution for personal philanthropy?

Abundant evidence from the United States shows that conservatives support their belief in private charity with their own time and money, while some socialists seem to regard charities as an inappropriate rival to the state. Arthur Brooks, in Who Really Cares: The Surprising Truth About Compassionate Conservatism, discovered that conservatives give vastly more to charity than statists, despite having lower es. That holds true at munity level, as well. Of the 25 states that give above-average donations to charity, 24 vote Republican.

It isn’t just about money. Peter Schweizer in his book Makers and Takers found that conservatives are one-and-a-half times more likely to volunteer at a charity (27 percent vs. 19 percent), and nearly three times as likely to believe it is important to “get happiness from putting others’ needs ahead of their own” (55 percent vs. 20 percent). Conservatives are even more likely to give blood than left-wingers.

But those e from the U.S. Do they reflect American exceptionalism, perhaps because of the strong influence of the “Religious Right”? (It should be noted that Brooks found conservatives still give more to charity when all religious donations are excluded.) Do other countries display the same tendencies?

There is certainly one difference between the U.S. and the UK: Whereas there is plenty of American research into correlations between charitable giving and political beliefs, there is almost none in Great Britain. The Charities Aid Foundation, which provides administrative services to other charities, publishes an annual “Giving Report” that delves deeply into the demographics of charitable paring them by age, sex, region – virtually everything but political views. There is only one brief paragraph in its 2017 report on the issue, with the unsurprising news that “those who voted for the Green Party … are significantly more likely to have given to conservation charities” and “those who voted for UKIP [the party that spearheaded Brexit] … are significantly less likely than any other party to have given to overseas aid.” Interestingly, the charity must have collected political data but not published anything on how they correlate with overall levels of charitable giving.

However, there is one study on how political views affect practical philanthropy in Great Britain. The owners of the online charity fundraising platform JustGiving worked with a group of universities to survey users of their British website, which is used by a wide range of charities and donors.

In line with the American experience, this survey found that the biggest political group amongst those who donated to charity through the JustGiving website were Conservative voters. Among those who expressed a political viewpoint, 34 percent of JustGiving’s donors were Conservatives and 32 percent supported the Labour Party. This was at a time when Labour fortably ahead in opinion polls, meaning that Conservatives were, proportionately, noticeably more likely to support charities than Labour supporters.

Overall, that makes Conservative voters proportionately more likely to give to charity than Labour voters. At the time (2010 to 2011), some 41 percent of the population supported the Labour Party, but they made up only 32 percent of donors to charity. In contrast, Conservatives at the time made up 37 percent of voters and 34 percent of donors, roughly in proportion. (The level of party support is based on345 published opinion polls from the UK Polling Report website, over the same time period as the JustGiving survey.) If anything, this probably underestimates Conservatives’ charitable donations. As an online donation platform, JustGiving likely serves a younger demographic than donors in general, and young people are more likely to be left-wing.

Not that Conservatives rank highest proportionately. Some 22 percent of donors were Liberal Democrats at a time when only 11 percent of the population supported the party. However, the Liberal Democrats broadly favour the free market. Then-leader Nick Clegg was in a coalition with former Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron and backed the “Big Society” initiative, which was designed to “lift the burden of bureaucracy,” munities to do things their own way,” and “diversify the supply of public services.” So, the principle holds.

As with Americans, UK citizens on “the Right” are more likely to give to charity than those on “the Left.” This seems to be an international trend, which undercuts the claim that conservatives are selfish. Those who advocate a basically free-market philosophy support private charity initiatives more than those who accept socialist tax-and-spend policies and wealth redistribution.

Donors’ motivations also prove illuminating. By far the two mon reasons they gave the JustGiving survey for choosing to donate to a charity were:

“the cause and/or mission of the charity” – 79.1 percent said that this was “very important,” and almost all donors rated it as important (98.4 percent); and “a sense that my money will be used efficiently and effectively” – 68.3 percent saw this as “very important,” and again nearly all donors saw this as important (96.7 percent).

In contrast, the urgent “emergency” appeals made by some charities do not seem to resonate with donors:

Only a third (33.4 percent) saw the fact that “the charity urgently needs funds (e.g., after a disaster)” as a “very important” reason to give; About a third (32.5 percent) saw being “personally affected by a cause” as a “very important” reason to give; and Barely a tenth (10.6 percent) saw media “coverage of a specific charity or cause” as a very important motivator.

This means that those who support fiscally conservative, tax-cutting political parties – and believe that private initiatives are a better way to help those in need than taxpayer-funded welfare programmes – are more likely to give to charity. And it indicates that the main motivations of people who donate are the desire to choose where their money goes, and to know that it will be used efficiently. This is in stark contrast to government spending, which is often misdirected by politicians and squandered by bureaucrats.

Rather than the stereotype of selfishness, it seems that, where it actually matters, conservatives and those who want a smaller government actually follow through on their beliefs of funding philanthropy outside government. On the other hand, statists – despite claiming that they support increased government action to help the poor – are noticeably less likely to take personal initiative to help others. For them, supporting the government seems to replace concrete action.

This is only one survey in the UK, but it correlates with the much more abundant data from across the transatlantic sphere, especially in the United States. Conservatives are not selfish; they are personally generous.

Looking at the wider picture, markets are often a better solution to poverty than government spending; the biggest reduction in poverty the world has ever seen is the billion people lifted out of absolute poverty by the opportunities offered by globalisation. That has taken place overwhelmingly in countries that have embraced global markets and, notably, not among the main recipients of government-to-government aid.

For those of us who wish to help others, including Christians following the Bible’s injunction to love our neighbour, it is perfectly rational to reject taxation and government spending in favour of other methods. Many private charitable initiatives deliver better results than the government – and solve problems caused by the government. For example, UK food banks alleviate delays caused by the government’s bureaucratic welfare system.

Therefore, people who are broadly conservative have both philosophical and practical reasons to support charities, whether they are motivated by belief in the efficiency of the free market, love of Burke’s “little platoons,” or the Sermon on the Mount. And more to the point, they act on their convictions. It is worthwhile both to note the action and to spread the philosophical, theological, and economic views that catalyze it.

Comments
Welcome to mreligion comments! Please keep conversations courteous and on-topic. To fosterproductive and respectful conversations, you may see comments from our Community Managers.
Sign up to post
Sort by
Show More Comments
RELIGION & LIBERTY
The Theme is Freedom
M. Stanton Evans, former editor of The Indianapolis News and chairman of the American Conservative Union, is now director of the National Journalism Center, in Washington, D.C. His exposition here of the place of religion in American public life is a remarkable synthesis of history, sound philosophy and political judgment. In the classic phrase of Fr. Francis Canavan, the great Fordham Jesuit, the present stage of Western culture can be described as “the fag end of the Enlightenment.” For...
The Politics of Envy
In this wide-ranging sequel to his The Politics of Plunder (Transaction, 1990), Cato Institute senior fellow Doug Bandow draws together essays, columns, and articles to illuminate statism’s rising threat to freedom and religion. A Christian libertarian, Bandow rightly insists that “liberty–the right to exercise choice, free from coercive state regulation–is a necessary precondition for virtue. And virtue is ultimately necessary for the survival of liberty.” Only choices freely made have moral or religious import. Markets work better if people...
American Catholic
The American Roman Catholic is a curious animal, forever trying to modify the docile, traditional, receptive spirit of the Catholic by the independent, innovative, frontier mentality of the American. Results of his endeavor vary from the impressive and influential to the disedifying and disastrous. His task is never-ending simply because it is impossible: “American” cannot modify “Catholic.” In the aptly named American Catholic, Charles Morris seeks to give the definitive history of this creature. From the start, he acknowledges...
Gentility Recalled
With crime and illegitimacy soaring, and cities often resembling Hobbes’s state of nature, where life is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short,” our policy wonks are hoping that national service, tax credits, etc. will manipulate us into coexisting decently again. But social order depends far more on attitudes and conduct than on legislation. Gentility Recalled lucidly and thoughtfully explores the enormous role of manners in creating a decent, orderly society and shows that, indeed, it’s the little things that...
In Praise of the Heroic Entrepreneur
Over the last fifty years, the dogma of “corporate social responsibility” has e the favorite tool of American liberals to cajole and shame the owners and managers of corporations into adopting major features of their liberal social agenda. John Hood has written this book to attack this dogma and defend the moral way in which the vast majority of American businesses are run. One assumption behind the liberal dogma is the alleged conflict between a mitment to profit-seeking for...
Why America Needs Religion
Recently, University of Chicago professor Derek Neal undertook a study of the education of urban minority students, the same ones who are the much-vaunted “at risk” students regularly paraded out whenever the body politic even contemplates any change in the educational status quo. After exhaustive research parison between the public and private (including parochial) education systems, Professor Neal concluded that there “is something different about the curriculum in Catholic schools that gives urban minorities a significant advantage over their...
The Vocation of Enterprise
As its title implies, Michael Novak’s Business as a Calling brings a somewhat missionary zeal to the defense merce and capitalism, subjects that have been mainly exposed in the recent past to the zealotry of frenzied opponents. Mr. Novak’s effervescence and originality as an advocate and his rigor as a scholar make for a provocative and interesting read. He traces the rise of capitalism, the docile acceptance by its practitioners that they were concerned with means and not ends,...
On Catholic Communitarianism
These twelve essays priseCatholicism and Liberalism were originally read for study sessions at Georgetown University in 1989 and 1990 under the auspices of the Woodstock Theological Center and Georgetown’s Department of Government. The distinguished collaborators in this project convened to explore ways to improve relations between the historically antipathetical forces of liberalism and Catholicism. At the threshold of the 1990s both traditions looked vital and promising. Emboldened by the West’s triumph over the Soviet Empire, Francis Fukuyama celebrated “Western...
The Encyclical Legacy of John Paul II
Remarkable changes have taken place within the Roman Catholic Church under the papacy of John Paul II. As the twentieth century draws to a close, we see in retrospect that this century has witnessed in sheer numbers alone more deaths and wholesale destruction of human life and institutions that any previous. Yet even in the midst of such depressing circumstances, worldwide, Catholics find themselves in a dynamic, effective, and revitalized institution that, according to some, now ranks among the...
Wojtyla's Thought, John Paul II's Pontificate
As the years of his pontificate mount up, so do the books devoted to this singular pope, with the promise of some good things still in store, notably the ing biography by George Weigel. From many angles, one has sought to fathom John Paul II’s secret, or perhaps to glimpse his distinctive gifts at work, a contemplative actor surely but patiently shifting the tumblers of the vault of history. There are already several biographies to choose from, numerous collections...
Related Classification
Copyright 2023-2026 - www.mreligion.com All Rights Reserved